[Page 1 qc52a]
Quindaro Chindowan.
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Vol. I. Quindaro, Kanzas, Saturday, June 12, 1858. No. 52
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Fisk & Richmond,
Cor. Kanzas Avenue & Fifth St.
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W. J. McCown,
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P. Caswell & Lewis,
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J. A. Bartles,
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BOOT & SHOE SHOPS.
Henry P. Downs,
No. 177…….East Main St.
P. C. Muhlbach,
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Quindaro Chin-do-wan.
J. M. Walden………Editor.
Saturday, June 12, 1858.
The Voice of Nature.
By James G. Percival.
A voice is heard in the winds and waves,
In the sound of the ever-rolling sea;
‘Tis whispered amid the gloom of graves,
And it speaks from hill-top loud and free;
‘Tis murmuring in every breath of air,
And it pauses not when leaves are still;
Where the waters are fallen, it prattles there,
And it whistles along the heathery hill.
Upon the brown and briery steep,
Where the brambles stir with the rustling bird –
Down in the green and grassy deep,
Where the coral rustles, that voice is heard;
Far it is borne on the summer’s breeze –
O’er sunny meadow and flowery plain;
And then it steals to the glancing trees
As is lost in the shadowy gloom again.
Hark! its wandering echoes wake,
They are now in the heart of the rifted rock;
Now they lie in the slumbering lake,
Now they are at play with the bounding flock;
Not a withering leaf by the wind is stirred,
Not a murmur moves through the bending corn,
But far that summoning voice is heard,
Like the loud, clear notes of the winding horn.
O, ‘tis a voice that comes from heaven,
Borne like a spirit in light along;
Now like the rush of a tempest driven –
Murmuring now in the charm of song.
Hear ye the voice? Then come away
Far from the haunts of ruder men –
Come where the leaves and fountains play,
You may love and be happy then!
Be a Woman.
Oft I’ve heard a gentle mother,
As the twilight hours began,
Pleading with a son, of duty,
Urging him to be a man.
But unto her blue-eyed daughter,
Though with love’s words quite as ready,
Points she out this other duty,
“Strive, my dear, to be a lady.”
What’s a lady? Is it something
Made of hoops, and silks, and airs,
Used to decorate the parlor,
Like the fancy rugs and chairs?
Is it one who wastes on novels
Every feeling that is human?
If ‘tis this to be a lady,
‘Tis not this to be a woman.
Mother, then, unto your daughter,
Speak of something higher, far,
Than to be mere fashion’s lady –
“Woman” is the brighter star.
If ye, in your strong affection,
Urge your son to be a true man,
Urge your daughter no less strongly
To arise and be a woman.
Yes, a woman – brightest model
Of that high and perfect beauty,
Where the mind, and soul, and body,
Blend to work out life’s great duty –
Be a woman – nought is higher
On the gilded list of fame,
On the catalogue of virture,
There’s no brighter, holier name.
Be a woman – on to duty,
Raise the world from all that’s low,
Place high in the social heaven
Virtue’s fair and radiant bow.
Lend thy influence to each effort,
That shall raise our nature’s human.
Be not fashion’s gilded lady,
Be a brave – whole souled – true woman.
[ALPHEUS.
Benton’s Opinion of the Administration.
WILLIAM CASEY JONES recently published a letter in the Washington Union in which he labored to refute the statements given to the country in regard to Col. BENTON’S hostility to the measures of Mr. BUCHANAN’S Administration.
F. P. BLAIR Sr., well known to have been an old and intimate friend of Mr. Benton, who was frequently at his bed side during the last few days of his life, gave to the world Mr. B’s opinions upon the Administration at this time. In the New York Tribune he has published a letter completely annihilating the statements made by Mr. Jones.
After clearly authenticating what passed between him and Mr. Benton, Mr. Blair concludes his letter with the following collation of interesting and instructive facts:
I will now proceed to show, from recorded evidence in Col. Benton’s own handwriting, that he is opposed to Mr. Buchanan and his administration, that he was opposed to the speedy settlement of the Territorial question in relation to Slavery in the mode proposed by Mr. Buchanan, but, on the contrary, he was resolved on the agitation of the subject, until the opinion of the Supreme Court, opening all the Territories to the introduction of slaves was rendered abortive by the action of Congress in the maintenance of the political rights of the people. That he was opposed to Mr. Buchanan not merely on the score of his pending measures, but because he has recently given in his adhesion to principles adverse to Gen. Jackson’s cardinal doctrine in reference to the independence of the legislative and executive departments of political decisions of the Supreme Court, and because he believed him anti-Democratic at heart.
In proof of the first position, I give the following extract of a biographical notice of his, prepared by an intimate personal friend, which was subjected to Col. Benton’s revision, bears the mark of it from his own pen, and which, in giving the private motives and reasons of his conduct (which could only be derived from himself,) may be considered an autobiography. Now, here he declares:
“In the Presidential election of November, 1856, Col. Benton supported Mr. Buchanan in opposition to his own son-in-law, Col. Fremont. The reason assigned by him was a confidence that Mr. Buchanan, if elected, would restore the principles of the Jackson Administration, and the apprehension that the success of Col. Fremont would engender sectional parties fatal to the permanence of the Union. He soon after saw occasion to change both opinions, and although in retirement, he zealously opposed the Administration of Buchanan and inclined to unite with the opposition that presented itself to the Republican party.”
Here it appears that he abandoned Buchanan, and because he had reason to reverse his opinion both as to him and Col. Fremont in regard to their influence touching both general principles and sectional parties. The reasons which operated on his mind favorably to Col. Fremont are manifested in a paper in his own handwriting, which he gave to Col. Fremont at their last meeting, and will do him honor should he ever think it fit to make it public. The grounds upon which he had resolved to base his opposition to the policy of the Administration will be found in the following paper, which he sent to my son to submit to the Republican party in Congress, after consulting the friends named in the note with which I introduced it:
Note addressed to F. P. Blair, jr
“MESSRS.: I think the time has come to get ready to act on the subject I mentioned to you, and I send a draft of seven resolutions, the last taken from Jackson’s Bank veto message in 1832; also a preamble and proviso. I would wish you to consult immediately with friends, especially with Hamlin and King, of the Senate.
Yours,
B.”
Resolutions, Preamble and Proviso referred to and inclosed in the above.
“1. Resolved, That the judicial power of the United States does not extend to political questions, and that all pretended decisions of such questions by the Federal judiciary are illegal and void.
“2. Resolved, That the late decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Dred Scott against Sanford, so far as the same applies to the act of Congress commonly called the Missouri Compromise act, is the decision of a political question not within the jurisdiction of the Court, and is illegal and void.
“3. Resolved, That there was nothing in the case before the Court to authorize it to take cognizance of the validity of the Missouri Compromise act, and the cognizance so taken of that act was extra-judicial and gratuitous.
“4. Resolved, That the assumption of the Court to make the said decision, when the case on the record out of which it grew was dismissed for want of jurisdiction, was a clear and manifest proceeding without any judicial authority, and was illegal and void.
“5. Resolved, That the decision of the same Court in the same case, declaring the self-extension of the Constitution to Territories carrying African Slavery with it, and protecting it that against the power of Congress or the people to reject it, was a decision without any authority to make it, and without any case before the Court requiring a decision, and without any foundation to rest upon after the case was dismissed for want of jurisdiction, out of which it grew; and that said decision was obiter dicta and without legal effect or force.
“6. Resolved, That the said decisions are in derogation of the powers of Congress and restrictive of its time-honored right and practice to legislate for Territories, and being so derogatory and restrictive, it becomes the duty of Congress to vindicate its rights by asserting its full authority to legislate upon Slavery in Territories, and declaring its total disregard of the said illegal, extra-judicial and void decisions of the Supreme Court; which, accordingly, is hereby done.
“7. Resolved, That Congress and the President (as part of the legislative authority) are judges of their own powers, in passing or approving bills, to be governed by their own reading of the Constitution and by their own oaths and consciences, and that the Supreme Court has no more power to control them that they have to control the Court, being both co-ordinate branched of the same Government, and independent of each other within their constitutional sphere.”
This preamble was intended by Col. Benton to be connected with the act for the organization of Arizona – the proviso to follow:
WHEREAS, The tract of country comprised within the limits of the proposed Territory of Arizona was acquired from the Republic of Mexico, and was at the time of the acquisition, and by virtue of the laws and Constitution of said Republic, free from African Slavery, and still remains so free, no such Slavery having been since established there by any competent authority; and whereas, the Supreme Court of the United States, at a late term thereof, in a case in which a certain Dred Scott and his family, of African descent, were suing for freedom, decided that the Constitution of the United States, of itself, and by its own proper vigor, extended to all the Territories of the United States as soon as acquired, carrying the institution of African Slavery along with it, and protecting it therein, without, any power in Congress, or of the people of the Territory, to repel or reject it; and whereas, the said decision of the Supreme Court was made in a case which presented nothing to warrant any such judicial action thereon, and which case had been dismissed by the Court for want of jurisdiction, and therefore the decision was extra-judicial, and of no legal force or virtue; and whereas, the said decision was made on a political question, annulling a political enactment, of which the Court could take no cognizance, and was unduly got hold of and wrongfully decided, and contrary to the uniform action of all authorities (legislative, executive and judicial, State and Federal) from the beginning of the Government, and was equivalent to inserting a new and strange clause in the Constitution, at war with its tenor, terms and practice, and is therefore null and void; and being so null and void, the Congress of the United States doth hereby declare the same, and make it known in this preamble, that the said Territorial Government of Arizona is established subject to the declaration hereby made: Provided, that nothing contained in this act, or in the late decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, shall be held or taken to authorize African Slavery in the said Territory, but that Slavery remains abolished and prohibited therein, as at the time of its acquisition from the Republic of Mexico.”
The debate on these propositions became blended with the discussion on the Lecompton Constitution, and superseded them.
From the above, it will be seen that, as Mr. Buchanan in his inaugural address alluded to and foreshadowed the opinion of the Supreme Court as that on which he would rest his policy on the great question of the day, so Col. Benton proposed to base the Republican opposition to the Administration on the overthrow of this judicial and executive usurpation. The resolutions point out the action necessary to reach that end – the 7th particularly relying upon the doctrine asserted by Gen. Jackson, and copying his words. The proviso embodies an interdict repelling the assumed authority of the Court to introduce Slavery into the Territories by construction and without positive warrant of law. This at once made a severance wide and deep between Col. Benton and an Administration which had declared by its chief that Slavery existed in the Territories in virtue of the fiat of the Supreme Court as absolutely as in Georgia.
That Col. Benton considered that the position assumed by Mr. Buchanan on his advent to power was but a recurrence to the original Federal partisanship he avowed until he came into the support of General Jackson, may be inferred from the fact that he gave me to deliver to my son, to be used in his canvass in Missouri, the following extracts from a speech of Mr. Buchanan, with this indorsement in his (Col. Benton’s) handwriting:
“Mr. Buchanan’s anti-Democratic speech – Lancaster – after the war of 1812.”
The extracts upon which this indorsement was made, clipped by Col. Benton from The Congressional Globe, where they were embodied in the speech of a Mr. Culver of New York, and indorsed by Col. Benton as above, are as follows:
“Time will not allow me to enumerate all the wild and wicked projects of the Democratic Administration.
* * * They rashly plunged us into a war with a nation more able to do us injury than any other nation in the world.
* * * It [the war of 1812] took its rise from an overwhelming partiality which the Democratic party have ultimately shown for France.
“Immediately before the war, this foreign influence had completely embodied itself with every political feeling of a majority of the people, particularly in the West. Its voice was heard so loud at the seat of Government, that the President was obliged to yield to its dictates, or to retire from office. The choice in this alternative was easily made by a man (Madison) who preferred his private interest to the public good. We were, therefore, hurried into a war utterly unprepared.”
“The very Capitol of the United States – the lofty temple of liberty which was reared and consecrated by Washington – has been abandoned to its fate by his degenerate successor (Madison,) who ought to have shed his last drop of blood in its defense.”
“Thanks to Heaven that we have obtained peace, bad and disgraceful as it is; otherwise, the beautiful structure of the Federal Government, supported by the same feeble hands, might have sunk, like the Capitol in to ruins.”
“This has been called a glorious war. Glorious it has been, in the highest sense, to the American character, but disgraceful in the extreme to the Administration.”
“But do the Administration, who involved us in the late unnecessary war, derive any credit from their exertions? – Certainly not. They were the spontaneous efforts of the country, undirected by the Government.”
These proofs, Col. Benton’s sign manual impressed on them, will convince the public that his relations with the President and with his Administration were not quite so cordial as Messrs. Jones and Hall would have inferred. With regard to the reports made in The Tribune, on the authority of my statement of what passed between Col. Benton and myself respecting Mr. Clay and the Nullifiers, I am perfectly willing to leave it to be judged by the public with the added circumstances now given in this paper. – There are many members of Congress whom I could bring to vouch that Col. Benton expressed to them sentiments similar to those given as expressed to me, which Mr. Jones resents as implying an “invidious sectional distinction,” and contradicts. I believe that Col. Benton has not an intimate acquaintance left in the world who does not know that he denounced constantly for the last quarter of a century the Nullifying party in the South, so long marked by an “invidious sectional distinction.” But I will call nobody to vouch my sentiment, because I think my word sufficient to stand against Mr. Jones’s defiant contradiction. It would not have required notice at all, but for the comment of the Government press, which in effect made it a card played by the Administration. This must be my apology for the minute review given of the final attitude taken by Col. Benton toward the Executive whom he contributed to elevate to power, and who now seeks to make the political influence of the deceased statesman an inheritance.
F. P. BLAIR.
Silver Spring, May 20, 1858.
Baron Humboldt on American Slavery.
A PRIVATE LETTER TO MR. JULIUS FROEBEL.
[Communicated to the N. Y. Tribune with Humboldt’s consent.]
Accept, my dear Froebel, if only in a few lines, my most cordial thanks for your kind letter, and for the gift of an able work on your personal experiences in America, in which you have submitted all classes of society to such a sagacious comparison. You are here warmly cherished in the memory of all who are acquainted with your distinguished and scientific attainments, the nobleness of your character, and the peculiar features of your mind. I have boasted of your enduring friendship with me in the new volume of “Kosmos,” page 541. I closed this volume just as I received the first part of your travels and researches, which had already often been described to me by friends, and especially by Varnhagen von Ense. I trust I shall not lose your favor on account of my differing from you in regard to the connexion between the North American highlands and the Rocky Mountains. Our controversy, as you will find when you read attentively, (pp. 431-440,) is almost entirely one of the words: I make a distinction between a broad, continuous elevation, and the disconnected chain rising above it often steeply and like battlements. The word mountain is very indefinite. In spite of my heretical disposition, however, your ninth chapter, (pp. 504-518) gives me a great deal of instruction. You have explained many points which were only hinted at in the “Remarks,” (Contributions to Phys. Geog., Smithson. Inst.)
But there are other things which come nearer my heart than those elevations. Your next volume on the political future of America, would I, almost the original Adam, gladly live to see. Continue to brand the shameful devotion to Slavery, the treacherous importation of negroes, under the pretense of their becoming free – a means to stimulate the hunting of negroes in the interior of Africa. What atrocities have been witnessed by one who has had the misfortune to live from 1789 to 1858. My book against Slavery (Political Essay on the Island of Cuba) is not prohibited in Madrid, but cannot be purchased in the United States, which you call “The Republic of distinguished people,” except with the omission of everything that relates to the sufferings of our colored fellow-men, who, according to my political views, are entitled to the enjoyment of the same freedom with ourselves. Add to this, the anathema on the other races of men, forgetting that the most ancient cultivation of humanity, before that of the white Hellenic race, in Assyria, in Babylon, in the valley of the Nile, in Iran, in China, was the work of colored men, though not woolly haired.
I still work hard, mostly in the night, because I am unmercifully tormented with a constantly increasing correspondence, for the most part, of not the slightest interest. I live joyless in my 89th year, because of the much for which I have ardently striven from my early youth, so little has been accomplished.
With renewed expressions of the friendship of many years, which political events have never troubled,
I am ever you illegible
AL. HUMBOLDT.
Berlin, January 11, 1858.
- It was the saying of Sir Robert Peel, “I never knew a man to escape failure, in either body or mind, who worked seven days a week.”
- Though reading and conversation may furnish us with many ideas of men and things, yet it is our own meditation that must form our judgment.
The Linn County Massacre.
A Full Statement of the Recent Horrid Massacre in Linn County, by one of the Parties Shot.
[Rev. Mr. Read, the Baptist clergyman shot by the Border Ruffians in Linn Co., two weeks ago, furnishes the following statement of the affair.]
BLOOMING GROVE, LINN CO., K. T.,
May 28th, 1858.}
Whereas many reports will be circulating relating to the horrible murders committed near the Marais des Cygnes and the Missouri line, on the 19th day of May, 1858; and as I am one of the number shot and left for dead, I will endeavor to give you a correct statement of the transaction.
About eight o’clock on the morning of the 19th day of May, I went to a neighbour’s farm about a mile distant, to get a horse to mark out some corn ground. While there conversing with a neighbour about a school and other subjects, a man known as Capt. Chas. A. Hamilton, with about thirty men, came up – all armed. He ordered me, and a man by the name of Taylor, and a Mr. James, to fall in line. I said, “No.” He drew a large pistol, cocked it, and presented, saying – “You won’t, will you?” I told him I was willing to do anything that was right. He then ordered me to hitch my horse, and fall into line: I did so. He then with a number of his men went into Mr. Nichol’s yard, and said they were going to search his house. Soon after, they returned with a number of guns, and said they could not find any powder. They then let Mr. Taylor go. Presently a man driving a two-horse team drove alongside. He was ordered to stop. Some of the party said, “Where do you live?” He replied, “Sugar Mound.” Then the order was given to get out of the wagon and fall into line. He did so. About the same time they took my horse, and caught three out of Mr. Nichol’s yard. Being about ready to start, they let a number of men go whom they had taken.
When they began to move, someone said, “What are we going to do with these horses and the wagon?” Some reply was may – I did not understand what. Presently Mr. Hamilton (I think it was) said to Mr. James – “Here – you take this wagon and take care of it; I reckon you would rather go with it than to go with this company?” He replied that he would. One of the party said – “There is a d----d good horsed there.” The answer was – “If you like it better than yours, take it.” The horse was taken. There were at this time five men: one was soon let go. We were at this time heading nearly east, directly towards the Missouri line.
After marching about a mile or more, Mr. Wm. Hargrove and his boy and Amos Hall were brought into line. Soon after, we were halted in front of Mr. Hargrove’s house. Here Asa Hargrove was brought in, and the boy let go. Hamilton’s party here took two mules. Soon after, Mr. Colpetzer was brought in – and soon after, Mr. Robinson and Mr. Snyder.
On our march from Hargrove’s they took a northeast course, and on the route Mr. Austin Hall was brought in. After or about or before this time, Capt. Hamilton with a number of his men started after a man known as “Dutch Snyder.” Soon after, the persons who had been taken – eleven in number – were ordered to halt. We did so, on a high table of land. Presently we heard the report of guns. I turned and looked in that direction, and saw Hamilton and his posse near what I supposed to be a house, or two houses: some one said it was Snyder’s. A part of the guard left us an went to Hamilton’s help. They all soon returned, one of the party leading Hamilton’s beast, which Hamilton said Snyder had shot through the neck.
[Snyder’s house, where this affray took place, may be half or three-fourths of a mile from where we were sitting.]
We were then ordered to march. After marching three-quarters of a mile or thereabouts, we were conducted into a deep, narrow ravine, and ordered to halt and form a line. Hamilton gave the command to “face front;” he then ordered his own men to form a line and “present arms” in front of us, the horses’ feet being nearly as high as our heads, and about ten feet from us. Someone said, “The men don’t obey the order.” Capt. Hamilton gave the order again. – They not all obeying, he gave it a third time, swearing terribly. One of the men turned his horse, and said he would have nothing to do with it. Capt. Hamilton drew out a large revolver, and presented it towards the prisoners (some of them took deliberate aim,) and gave word, “Fire.” All fell at the first fire. Some dismounted, and came down amongst us. They were ordered to see that all were dead. Someone said, “There is old Read, he isn’t dead; give it to (?)” [unintelligible] he isn’t dead.” One asked, “Where is he?” “There is the old ------- looking at you.” The one who gave this order I believe to be Capt. H., judging from the voice. Another voice said, “Put the pistol to his ear; shoot him into his ear!” This I believe to be a man by the name of Hubbard. Someone said, “See what that man has got in his pocket,” (I suppose referring to Stilwell,) for he says there is a hundred dollars. Someone says, “There is one that has got a watch,” referring to Campbell. Soon I heard no more only the tramp of horses’ feet. – Soon some began to groan. I spoke very low and said, “Don’t make a noise.” – Presently I heard my wife calling. I called to her; she came to us. I requested her to go immediately and get some help as quick as possible. I did not think any of us could live. Soon after, I crept down into a ravine. I then thought I was not mortally wounded. After travelling about two miles, I found a camp of movers. I laid down for the night, and sent word to my wife where I was. She arrived about 11 o’clock at night. The next morning I was taken to my house, and examined by two physicians, who said I should probably recover.
The names of those killed are, John F. Campbell, M. Robinson, Colpetzer, Ross, and Wm. Stillwell.
Living – B. L. Read, Wm. Hargrove, Asa Hargrove, Amos Hall, Austin Hall, and Snyder.
Position of Illinois Republicans.
The few Republicans of other sections of the Union who manifest such exceeding solicitude for the success of their laborers in Illinois, justify themselves for interference in our affairs by assurances that without attention to their advice, the great National battle of 1860 will be lost. Speaking, as we may, for the rank and file of the Republican party in this State, we answer these gentlemen that there is no desire here to win a victory in 1860 or at any time thereafter, unless victory carries with it a guaranty that is will be used for the firm establishment of the principles that we profess. We tell them now that there is no intention of lowering our standard an inch, though the power and patronage of the government would fall into our hands thereby. We are Republican because we believe in the necessity and justice of our party creed and policy. We know of no article of our political faith that is not indispensable to the symmetry and perfection of the whole; and we will never consent to forswear our belief or abate our pretensions either upon invitation or demand, though a worthless triumph were the promised result.
In their political battles the Republicans of Illinois have but one purpose in view. They care nothing for spoils that follow a change of Administration. They have no interest, and expect none in the distribution of the plunder. It is their aim to restore the Government to its old foundations, and vindicate the free principles that have been violated by the despotic dynasties that have ruled the land. Majorities are nothing to them; power is nothing unless they will contribute to the attainment of the results at which we aim. Those, then, who plead with us to put our principles in abeyance and unite in hosannas to heresies against which we have contended, in shouts for those whom we have heretofore fought, plead in vain. Until we can win a victory with Republicans and Republicanism, pure and simple, we are content to remain in a minority. – We have no favors to ask, and none to grant. We want no bargains for votes, no tariff of prices for offices. We desire no alliances, offensive or defensive, with factions or parties. To us the Republican party is necessary and sufficient. – When it triumphs, our principles triumph also. While it is in the minority, we can continue the contest with the zeal, earnestness and devotion that we have manifested before, and at length compel the day of victory to come. When it does come, we shall have no cause to blush for our cause or our professed friends. - Chicago Tribune.
- It is said that, owing to a failure off in the supply of rat-skins in Paris, this season, there will probably be a rise in the price of “extra fine kid gloves.”
- AN OBJECTION OVERRULED. – “You are writing my bill on very rough paper,” said a client to his attorney. “Never mind,” said the lawyer, “it has to be filed before it comes into court.”
- The first case of trial by jury had come (?) at Constantinople, before the English (?) Tribunal. A M(?) had [unintelligible] before half a (?). [unintelligible] and found guilty of (?).
- A [unintelligible] – A (?)-master, in receiving the solicitations for patronage, which [unintelligible] his old (?) for past [unintelligible].
Transcribed by Shannon McElroy