[Page 1 qc51a]
Quindaro Chindowan.
A Free-State Paper.
Vol. I. Quindaro, Kanzas, Saturday, June 5, 1858. No. 51
Printed and published by
J. M. WALDEN & CO
J. M. Walden. Edmund Babb.
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BUSINESS DIRECTORY
of
Quindaro, Kanzas.
PHYSICIANS.
Dr. R. M. Ainsworth,
No. 10……………Kanzas Avenue.
Dr. Geo. E. Budington,
No. 1……………..Kanzas Avenue.
Dr. J. B. Welborn,
No. 38……………Kanzas Avenue.
ATTORNEYS.
Charles Chadwick,
No. 2…………….West Main St.
Alfred Gray,
No. 179………….East Main St.
LAND AGENTS.
Charles Chadwick,
No. 2…………….West Main St.
Alfred Gray,
No. 179………….East Main St.
R. P. Gray & Co.,
Chindowan Office,
No. 7…………….Kanzas Avenue.
Newman & Ainsworth,
No. 10…………...Kanzas Avenue.
SURVEYORS.
Charles B. Ellis,
No. 2……………West Main St.
HOTELS.
Quindaro House,
Nos. 1, 3, & 5…..Kanzas Avenue.
Wyandott House,
No. 2…………...Kanzas Avenue.
DRUGGISTS.
A.C. Strock & Co.,
No. 38………….Kanzas Avenue.
HARDWARE.
Shepherd & Henry,
No. 179………...East Main St.
CLOTHING.
N. Ranzohoff & Co.,
No. 11………..Kanszas Avenue.
DRY GOODS AND GROCERIES.
Johnson & Veale,
No. 3…………Kanzas Avenue.
W. J. McCown,
No. 7…………Kanzas Avenue.
A. C. Strock & Co.,
No. 38………..Kanzas Avenue.
GROCERIES AND PROVISIONS.
Fisk & Richmond,
Cor. Kanzas Avenue & Fifth St.
A. C. Strock,
No. 38……….Kanzas Avenue.
W. J. McCown,
No. 7………...Kanzas Avenue.
MEAT STORES.
P. Caswell & Lewis,
No. 140……..East Main St.
J. A. Bartles,
Cor. Seventh & N St.
BOOT & SHOE SHOPS.
Henry P. Downs,
No. 177…….East Main St.
P. C. Muhlbach,
No. 17………………O St.
STONE CUTTER & BUILDER.
F. Klaus,
No. 18………………O St.
CARPENTERS & JOINERS.
John S. McCorkle,
No. 69………………R St.
S. H. Marchant,
No. 65………………R St.
C. H. Carpener [sic],
No. 16………………S St.
Quindaro Chin-do-wan.
J. M. Walden………Editor.
Saturday, June 5, 1858.
Bonnets.
Of all the charms dear woman wears,
Of all her many traps and snares,
For real effect there’s naught compares
With a truly pretty bonnet;
For when or wherever you chance to meet
One that is perfectly modest and neat,
You may depend ‘tis a proof complete
That the head has more in than on it.
No matter whether she’s pretty or not,
How much or how little money she’s got,
Whether she live in mansion or cot,
‘Tis a fact, depend upon it:
The woman to make a man happy thro’ life,
To make a model mother and wife,
Is one who, scorning this milliner strife,
Wears a plain and tasteful bonnet.
Now a bonnet of genuine beauty and grace,
Worn on the head in its proper place,
Shadowing faintly the wearer’s face,
“Is a thing for a song or a sonnet,”
But one of these gay and gaudy things,
Made up of rainbows and butterfly wings,
A mixture of flowers, ribbons, and strings,
Is dreadful, depend upon it.
A vulgar mass of “fuss and feather,”
A little of everything thrown together,
As if by a touch of windy weather,
A wretched conglomeration –
A sort of cup to catch the hair,
Leaving the head to “go it bare,”
A striking example of “Nothing to Wear,”
Is this bonnet abomination.
It makes a woman look brazen and bold,
Assists her in catching nothing but cold,
Is bad on the young, absurd on the old,
And deforms what it ought to deck,
For look at her face, no bonnet is there,
See at the side it hangs by a hair;
View it behind, and you will declare
That the creature has broken her neck.
No matter where von may chance be,
No matter how many women you see,
A promiscuous crowd or a certain she,
You may fully depend upon it
That a gem of the very rarest kind,
A thing most difficult to find,
A pet for which we long have pined,
Is a perfect “love of a bonnet.”
[From the Lawrence Republican.]
Letter from Judge Conway.
“Startling Developments.”
To the Editor of the Lawrence Republican – Sir: – An article appeared in last week’s Herald of Freedom, containing a letter written by me to Geo. L. Stearns, Esq., of Boston – and one by E. B. Whitman, Esq., to the same gentleman. These letters were written for the purpose of obtaining money from Boston, to aid in a canvass for the Leavenworth Constitution. They are letters for which Mr. Whitman and myself are alone responsible; notwithstanding which the editor of the Herald of Freedom, in a sensation article entitled “Startling Developments,” uses them to excite a prejudice against certain gentlemen on Boston, under the pretense that those gentlemen are seeking to unduly “(??) the political affairs of Kanzas.”
I demand to make to the public a word of explanation on this subject. As early as last December, I was of opinion that the Lecompton Constitution would be recognized by Congress in the admission of Kanzas into the Union as a State; and that it would become necessary, in order to defeat it, to provide a State or organization to be substituted for it by the people of the State immediately upon their admission, by virtue of the sovereignty inherent in them as a State, under the conditions of the federal system. – Under the final action of Congress on Mr. English’s proposition, I was strengthened, by almost everything which happened, in my apprehensions on this subject. I was, therefore, full of solicitude for months, as to the State organization to be put against Lecompton in the last resort. – The Topeka organization had been so much run down by the politicians in whose way to power it stood, and had suffered so many slips and breaks, and had been so badly treated by its own friends, and had been pronounced “dead” so often by the highest authority, that I could not regard it as at all available for the important purpose contemplated. – As soon, therefore, as the movement was made in the Territorial Legislature for an election of delegates to a Convention to frame a new Constitution, I embraced it promptly as the best solution of the difficulty possible under the circumstances. At this time there were but few persons in the Territory who opposed it. My excellent friend, Ex-Governor Robinson, was active in urging it, as were many other of the most “conservative” gentlemen. The greater portion of those who opposed it consisted of Gov. Denver and his immediate friends. Gov. Denver was most decidedly hostile to it, and expressed himself so to me in a conversation at Lawrence while the subject was pending in the Legislature. As the Federal Governor, and the agent of the Administration, his reasons for this hostility were obvious; and I looked upon him as intent upon using his utmost efforts from the beginning to the end, to defeat the movement. The Democratic wing of the Free-state party was the dominant power in the Territorial Legislature, owing to the exclusion by the apportionment of by far the most populous part of the Territory from any representation whatever in it; and I have always suspected that it was through Gov. Denver’s procurement that action was delayed in that body on the Convention Bill until the last days of the session, in hopes that it might finally fail to get through all the stages in regular course of law, as he now insists it did actually do. In the election of delegates to the Convention, which followed shortly after the passage of the bill, the two wings of the Free-state party entered into active competition; and after election it was claimed by each that the majority elected was with it. But upon the meeting and organization of the Convention, it was ascertained that the Republican wing was very largely in the ascendant. This continued to be the case throughout all the proceedings, much to the dissatisfaction of those in the opposition. And after the completion of the Constitution, and the adjournment, it became fully apparent that, in the event of the Republicans controlling the nominations for offices under the Constitution, Gov. Denver’s little party would be augmented by the addition to it of the entire Democratic wing of the Free-state party, and that the two would work in concert against the Constitution to kill it, either by indirection or by outright action.
About this time, I received from Geo. L. Stearns, Esq., of Boston, a letter asking me what he and his friends in Boston could do to help us in the event of the adoption by Congress of the Lecompton Constitution. I sat down and wrote the letter which Mr. Brown publishes in his paper, and which he characterizes as a “startling development.” In this letter I told Mr. Stearns that to send me five hundred dollars to assist in paying the expenses of a canvass of the Territory in behalf of the Leavenworth Constitution, would be about the best thing he could do towards ultimately defeating the Lecompton Constitution. I was not fortunate enough, however, to be “startled” by the “development” of the five hundred dollars; but, on the contrary, received a letter from Mr. Stearns, dated April 24th, 1858, informing me that he could do nothing in the matter unless the Lecompton Bill passed Congress. Upon the receipt of this letter, I at once invested in the cause what little money I could afford to contribute to it, and tool to the prairies on my own account, and did what I could to bring out a full vote on the Constitution. One or two others did the same. But there was not canvass of any consequence made; the Constitution was not even distributed through the Territory, in many of the remote districts the people hardly knew the day on which the election was to be held. And thus Gov. Denver and his Democratic allies from the Free-state camp, had full sweep of operation against the Constitution, in either openly assailing it, or treacherously undermining the confidence of the people in its importance, as best suited their ends, respectively. The vote on the Constitution, I believe, will reach about 7,000 with a good majority in its favor. But this, although ample for all necessary purposes, is not more than half the full vote of the Territory. As to Gov. Denver’s opposition, it was natural, and to be expected; it was, moreover, undisguised and straightforward. I have all respect for the opposition of Gov. Denver. I am very far from being able to say as much for the opposition of the Free-state men, which was put forth with so much of the Devil’s own craft.
This proceeding of getting money from Boston, I desire to say, was not entered into by me as anything covert, which I would seek to hide from the public gaze, notwithstanding the editor of the Herald of Freedom is pleased to characterize its publication as a “startling development.” I would have that gentleman understand that I do nothing in connection with Kanzas politics which I would hesitate to open to the world at noonday; however much their “development” might be calculated to “startle” a person of his very fastidious nature. It will be noticed that although he publishes these letters as a “startling development,” he states, at the same time, that they were printed in circular form and distributed among the friends of Kanzas in Boston, and were in the hands of a number of other persons in this Territory!
Our struggle in Kanzas has been, from the start, a contest to decide the future predominance of the Free-state party or the Slave-state party throughout the country. The people in the States have, therefore, been as deeply interested in it as we ourselves have been. The politics of Kanzas have been no more Kanzas politics than they have been Massachusetts politics; no more Kanzas and Massachusetts politics than they have been the politics of South Carolina. In fact, Kanzas has been for nearly four years the centre of our national politics. How absurd, then, is it to talk of the contribution of funds to Kanzas by people in Boston, as an outrageous attempt to control our affairs! I believe that large sums of money were raised in various parts of the South to establish newspapers in Kanzas; and I know that a large sum was raised in the North to set up the Herald of Freedom. All the “control of the political affairs of Kanzas” exerted by Mr. Brown, (which, according to his own showing has been no trifle,) has been control effected through the influences of Eastern money. Has this been as outrage? Are the good people of the East, who are responsible for the influence of Mr. Brown, in the affairs of Kanzas, deserving of censure? How does Mr. Brown stand on these questions?
But I have already extended this paper to a sufficient limit. I thank you for the use of your columns in making this publication, and remain very truly yours,
M. F. CONWAY.
Cuba and the Northwest.
It is generally admitted that the Administration is willing to give three hundred millions of dollars for the purchase of Cuba; and that its friends will justify the enormous outlay upon the ground that it is necessary to the security of our sea-going commerce. The people of the Northwest ask the expenditure of one million in the improvement of their rivers and lake-harbors, for the security of their commerce, which is the fountain-spring of the country’s foreign trade. They are denied, and their petition is ignominiously kicked out of Congress by the dominant party. Is there no reason for this contradiction other than that of unconstitutionality? Cuba is slave soil: the acquisition of the Island would add half a million or more to the number of bondmen held beneath our flag. The Northwest is free, its products, now taxed by difficult and dangerous navigation, are won from the earth by free labor, and sold for the benefit of free men. Whatever facilitates the growth of the Northwest and relieves its trade of the burdens, strengthens that element of our Government which it is the special policy of the Administration and Democratic party to combat. Will our Western farmers, who are now selling their wheat at 40& 50 cents a bushel, take these facts into consideration at their social gatherings, and endeavor to fathom the reasons which impels Mr. Buchanan to offer three hundred millions for Cuba and Slavery, and which constrain his party friends to deny a pittance to the North-west and Freedom. Let them have the facts in mind when they are asked to throw up their caps for the powers that be. Chicago Tribune.
- A Washington correspondent of the Boston Traveller, speaking of the new Senator from South Carolina, says:
“Col. Hayne is a brother to the noted Gen. Hayne with whom Webster had the debate on the Foot Resolutions. The Colonel was opposed to his brother’s course in regard to nullification, and is now by the fire-eaters considered as a conservative.
“The appointment occasions surprise here. It was expected that the Governor would have appointed Mr. Chestnut, a noted ultra orator, as Mr. C was to have been elected instead of Governor Hammond. The way the ‘mistake’ occurred, it was the intention of the wire-pullers to give the Governor a complimentary plurality vote, but by some mistake too many votes were thrown, and the Governor was elected and Mr. Chestnut left at home. The preference shown by Governor Allston for a known conservative over a popular fire-eater shows his own tendencies.”
The same writer states:
“It is expected that Governor Wise will run for Congress from his (the Accomac) district at the close of his gubernatorial term, and will make as an issue the course he pursued on the Lecompton question. He denounces the English compromise as worse even than the pure Lecompton bill. The opposition he meets from Senators Mason and Hunter will only make him the more earnest.”
- The Hon. William Montgomery, of Pennsylvania, author of the “Montgomery Substitute,” is among his constituents, working hard for a re-nomination by the Democracy. He made a three hours speech Tuesday night last, in Washington county. His speech was bold and bitter. The “lie” passed between him and some of the Buchaneers among his hearers. The majority of the crowd “rapturously applauded” him. Among other denunciations launched thick and hot and heavy, he said that English was a “weak man,” ready all the time of the Lecompton fight to betray the men with whom he at first acted in opposition to the President’s pulley.
M. E. Colleges in Kanzas.
The Committee on Education of the Kanzas and Nebraska Conference of the M. E. Church, has communicated the following to the Central Christian Advocate:
Educational Association and Baker University, Kanzas Territory.
The section of land reported at our last conference session, donated by the Palmyra Town Association, for educational purposes, and which has transferred to the Trustees of the Kanzas Educational Association of the Methodist Episcopal Church, has been regularly laid out into a town to which has been attached the title – Baldwin City.
A considerate amount of stock has been disposed of, and the proceeds thereof appropriated to Educational purposes, in pursuance of a contract between this body and the Educational Association. By order of the Board of Mangers, there is now in course of erection a stone school house in Baldwin City, twenty-four by forty feet, to be at least two stories high. The foundation for a Preparatory School has also been laid. This is designed to be fifty feet wide, one hundred feet long and three stories high.
Liberal charters from the territorial legislature have been procured for both the Association and University. Notwithstanding the financial pressure, the Association feel greatly encourages to continue their efforts in the good cause of education, and in order to ensure their continued prosperity, would respectfully request the appointment of Rev. Wm. Butt, to act as their agent the coming conference year.
Blue Mont Central College, Kanzas Territory.
The Trustees of Blue Mont Central College, the past year, have secured from the Legislature of Kanzas a very liberl charter. They have also secured upward of two hundred acres of land, within one mile of Manhattan City, with the prospect of adding thereto, having one of the most beautiful sites for a college to be found anywhere. They have also now one hundred lots in the City of Manhattan, Kanzas Territory, with the present value of at least five thousand dollars. Besides they have on subscription about two thousand dollars, and contingent pledges for a large amount more. The Trustees purpose erecting a substantial stone building at the earliest possible period, and to have the Institution in operation. Your Committee recommend the re-appointment of the Trustees of last year, with the additional name of Thomas Webb.
The Trustees respectfully petition the Conference to authorize the appointment of Pres. Isaac T. Goodnow, M. A., Agent for this Institution the ensuing year.
- Our very worthy and economical Administration, anxious to further the best interests of the whole people, and being Democratic in its instincts, and, therefore, opposed to saddling future generations with debt, and having thus far spent only twenty millions of dollars, in addition to the national income, asks Congress at this time to grant authority to contract a loan of not more than fifteen millions of dollars for a term not exceeding ten years. This is the apex of the President’s pyramid of policy for the present session of Congress. As it was Democratic at the commencement of the present session of Congress, to issue a rag currency, stamped with the faces of the President and Secretary of the Treasury, to the extent of twenty millions of dollars, of course it will be Democratic as the session concludes, to borrow fifteen millions of dollars. The twenty millions were wanted to operate with during the session of Congress. The fifteen millions are merely desirable for pocket money during the Congressional recess which it at hand.
- The English claim, as it is well known, the invention of the magnetic telegraph for one of themselves, a Mr. Wheatstone. The trans-Atlantic telegraphic enterprise has caused this matter to be much talked of in Europe, and the Paris Monteur, the official paper of France, settles it thus: “No doubt the discovery of the principle upon which the electric telegraph system is founded does not belong to Mr. Morse, but he was the first to transfer that discovery from the region of speculative science into that of practical application. It is owing to his labors and to his investigations, the honor of which is incontestably due to him, that electrical communication, which before his time was but a mere fact asserted by science, has become a reality, and one of the most useful acquisitions which our age has made, and has to bequeath to posterity.”
SLAVERY IN KENTUCKY. – The Louisville Courier says there is now an extraordinary stampede of the slaves in that State. Negroes are daily escaping from their owners in startling numbers. They go off one, two, three, or a dozen at a time. That paper attributes this unusual movement to the presence of numerous Abolitionists. It says, “Black Republicans are as thick in these parts as wolves on a prairie. It is almost respectable to be a nigger stealer.”
RECORDS OF THE CRIMEAN WAR. – At the paper mill of William Clark & Co., Northampton, Mass., a bale of rags was recently opened, which came from the Crimea. Pillow cases, sheets, bandages, surgical aprons, remnants, and parts of clothing stained with blood, told and eloquent tale of suffering and sorrow.
How Brigham Young Pays Expenses.
We have no doubt but Brigham Young can on a pinch tell a more extensive lie than any other man in America. In one of his Salt Lake sermons we find a specimen of his skill as follows:
“He was on his way from Indiana to Kirtland in 1839. He says:
“While in Pleasant Garden he obtained some money, so that with the five dollars we previously had, amounted to $13.50. When we got into the stage we did not expect to be able to ride but a short distance. We rode as far as Indianapolis, paid our passengers, found we had sufficient means to take our passages for Richmond, Ind.
“When we arrived at this place, we found we had a means to take us to Dayton, to which place we proceeded and tarried over night, waiting for another line of stages. We expected to stop here and preach until we got means to pursue our journey. I went to my trunk to get money to pay my bill, and found that we had sufficient to pay our passages to Columbus, to which place we took passage in the stage and tarried over night.
“When I paid our bill I found I had sufficient to pay our passages to Wooster. We tarried till the after part of the day, and then took passage for Wooster; when we arrived there I went to my trunk again to get money to pay the bill, and found sufficient to pay our passages to Cleveland.
“On arriving at Kirtland I had a York shilling left, and on looking over our expenses I found we had paid over $87 out of the $13.50 we had at Pleasant Garden, which is all the money we had to pay our passages, to my certain knowledge, to start on. We had traveled over 400 miles by stage, for which we paid from 8 to 10 cents per mile, and had eaten three meals a day, for each of which we were charged fifty cents, also fifty cents for our lodgings.
Russian Emancipation.
Polish Frontier, Apr. 25, ’58.
It appears more clearly every day that the Russian Emperor is in earnest with his reforms, and that the difficulties that were in his way, and the obstacles created by the adherents of the ancient regime only increase his zeal and his energy. Not only officials of the highest rank, but also those in inferior spheres, are dismissed in masses, or pensioned, if they are not favorable to the innovations; the latter especially is the fate of the aged public servants, who, it is true, always receives tokens of the Imperial grace and respectable pensions. To the younger officials this peaceful revolution is highly agreeable, for not a day passes but long lists of them are promoted to high offices and higher grades of rank. At the same time, the former usage of selecting military men and members of the aristocracy for such preferment is wholly abandoned. Whoever is remarkable for capacity and activity is rapidly advanced. What is exceedingly remarkable is that the Russian newspapers are allowed to speak without restraint of the administrative system pursued under the late Emperor, and to publish and condemn its faults. It is hoped that the monarch will not become weary in his efforts, and that he will carry through the great work in spite of all hindrances. – Augsburg Allgemeine Zeitung.
- The London Times of May 4th, says:
“We have no longer, as a nation, any lust for dominion or craving for territorial gain. It is not that we have become magnanimous in the matter, or that we have adopted any policy of serene or lofty disdain. Our present views have been forced upon us by the lessons of experience which taught us that the old system is not only delusive, but unprofitable to boot. Sidney Smith’s fiction of the volcanic island in the Pacific, occupied a fortnight after its emersion by a Governor and Lieutenant Governor, a store-keeper and a deputy storekeeper, garrisoned by half a regiment, defended by a sloop of war, and figuring in the estimates for so many thousands yearly, expressed very happily the new ideas which had come over the public mind. * * *
We doubt exceedingly if any species of conquest or acquisition in any quarter of the globe would be really popular among us. * * * Attentive readers of late discussions must have seen very clearly that even India itself was no longer regarded by all parties as a pearl of great price. If it were not ours already, we should probably not seek to conquer it!”
VERDICT AGAINST HOT BISCUIT – Dr. Bunting, who has been experimenting with Alexis St. Martin, the Frenchman with a window in his stomach, through which can be seen all the processes of digestion, declares that hot bread never digests at all. It is tumbled about some for a long time, till it begins to ferment, when it is forced out with other useless debris. It never digests, and is never assimilated by the organs of nutrition. Its only effect is to produce dyspepsia. This is Dr. Bunting’s testimony as demonstrated by repeated experiments upon the stomach of St. Martin.
Moral Results of Negro Emancipation in Jamaica.
The Watchman, or Kingston Free Press, of Feb. 4, as well as the Jamaica Morning Journal, and other West Indian papers, deny most indignantly the wholesale imputations of laziness and “beastliness” which the Times has cast upon the free negro populations. The Watchman says:
“We grant that there is much in the habits, and character, and condition of our people to condemn and deplore; but we, nevertheless, contend – what we are prepared to prove, and what we are sure every unprejudiced individual acquainted with the recent history of Jamaica must admit – that since the emancipation a most wonderful change for the better has taken place among our peasantry. When we reflect upon what slavery was, and what it made those who were subject to its hell-born influences – and when we call to mind what Jamaica was thirty or forty years ago, and then look around us now, we confess that we are filled with wonder, overwhelmed with astonishment, at the greatness and moral grandeur of the revolution which has taken place in this once benighted and miserable country, and at the change which has been wrought in the condition and character of the lately emancipated slaves. That revolution, taking all the circumstances attending it into account, stands unparalleled in history. What have we witnessed in Jamaica during the last twenty years? Why, we have seen half a million of people liberated from the bonds of a hard and bitter servitude, and suddenly invested with all the rights and privileges of free men, having previously undergone scarcely any preparation for the great change that took place in their position and circumstances; and those rights and privileges have never been abused by them. We have seen these people, under the influence of Christian teaching and example, burying in oblivion the animosities engendered by long years of oppression and cruelty, and as free laborers, cheerfully taking the place they filled as slaves. We have seen them struggling with the difficulties incident to their new position as freemen, and with admirable patience and perseverance, plodding their way onward to the comparative independence and humble comforts of a peasant proprietary. We have seen them contributing out of their comparatively scantly means hundreds of thousands of pounds during the last twenty-five years, for the building of chapels and Minister’s residences, the erection of school-houses, and the maintenance of Ministers and schoolmasters. And now we find tens of thousands of them in connection, as members and otherwise, with the different religious denominations throughout the country, the greater part of whom, (we speak it on the published testimony of their vigilant and faithful pastors) walk worthy of their ‘high vocation’ as Christians. Schools are scattered all over the land, and to these schools they send their children to be educated. On Sunday they throng to churches and chapels, where they are to be seen, neatly attired, engaging with all the warmth characteristic of their nature, in the devout exercises of the holy day, and listening with earnest attention to the ‘Word of Life,’ as delivered by their Ministers. In the face of all this, will the Times tell us that so far as the moral ends contemplated in the act of negro emancipation are concerned, that act has proved an utter failure? It might get those who would wish it so, to believe it so; but we in Jamaica, know that the statements of the Times respecting the condition and character of the emancipated negroes, are just so many downright falsehoods.
“The people of Jamaica owe it to their brethren in bonds, both in the United States and Cuba, whose ultimate deliverance from slavery the success of the experiment of emancipation in these islands must go a far way to hasten – they owe it to those to protest against the slanders which the Times has published against the slanders which the Times has published against them. They ought to meet together in every parish throughout the island, and speak out on the subject. We ought to have demonstrations that will convince the Times and the slaveholders of Cuba and America, that the peasantry of Jamaica are not uncivilized and degraded beings they have been represented by their enemies.”
The Slave Trade.
The French have actually re-opened the African Slave Trade, under the auspices of their government, and that, too, with all its old cruelties. The “contract” which the “emigrants” are required to enter into, is the most transparent of all farces, while the coercion – the stripes, chains and death are as real as they were during the highest period of the traffic in by-gone times. The Kingston, Jamaica, Journal of April 15th, describes the result of the voyage of a small steamer of 383 tons from the African coast to Guadaloupe. Upon the vessel were crowded nine hundred and eighty-two negroes, of whom, three hundred and thirty-five perished before reaching the island, many others shortly afterwards, and eighty-two were drowned in the hold of a schooner wrecked while adding to the discharge the cargo of the steamer.
- A monumental obelisk is being erected on the New Orleans battle ground. The foundation is completed. A late New Orleans paper says:
The obelisk is to be entirely of white marble, and 150 feet in height. It is to have as (???) running up thro’ the entire shaft. There is more material on the ground for the erection of about (???) feet, which will be put into form within the next three months.
Transcribed by Shannon McElroy