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Quindaro Chindowan.
A Free-State Paper.
Vol. I. Quindaro, Kanzas, Saturday, March 27, 1858. No. 41
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A. Tuttle,
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P. Caswell & Lewis,
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J. A. Bartles,
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BOOT & SHOE SHOPS.
Henry P. Downs,
No. 177…….East Main St.
P. C. Muhlbach,
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Quindaro Chin-do-wan.
J. M. Walden………Editor.
Saturday, March 27, 1858.
The Red Petticoat.
By Charles Mackay.
Oh, the red, the flaunting petticoat,
That consists the eye of day,
That loves to flare and be admired,
And blinks from far away;
It may delight the roving sigh,
And charm the fancy free;
But if its wearer’s half as bold,
I’ll pass and let her be -
With her red, her flaunting petticoat,
She’s not the girl for me!
But the white, the modest petticoat,
As pure as drifted snow,
That shuns the gaze in crowded ways,
Where follies come and go
It stars the primrose on its path,
Or daisy on the left:
And if the wearer’s like the garb,
How beautiful is she!
With her white, her modest petticoat,
Oh, she’s the girl for me!
But red or white, it matters not,
If she be good and fair,
Herself shall sanctify the garb
It pleases her to wear.
The red shall show her warmth of heart
And spirit frank and free -
The blue her truth – the pink her love,
The white her purity.
If these her colors – these her charms -
Oh, she’s the girl for me!
Nebraska and Lecompton – 1854 and 1858.
While the Statesman and kindred prints, are urging the antagonism of Lecomptonism to Democracy, we think it well to remind our readers of the danger, that, after all, they may fall back into submission to the very despotism which now seeks to force Lecompton upon them. The opposition to the Nebraska bill was hardly less unanimous in the North, than is opposition to the Lecompton bill now, and that the forcing through Congress of the former was a greater practical wrong than the forcing through of the latter, all can see. The repeal of the Missouri prohibition denied the foundational doctrine of Democracy, that the natural rights of men are equal, and equally derived from the Creator himself. By raising Slavery to an equality with Freedom, as an element in the organization of new States, if violated a sacred compact, sanctioned by origin by contest and by time, and it devoted a new Territory to ??? strifes, to foreign invasion, to licentious rapine, and murderous outrage, as the theatre of a contest between a people struggling to establish free institutions, and the agents and instruments of the Slave power, is lading the Federal Government, determined to force upon them slave institutions.
The Lecompton Bill is intended to consummate the purpose of the Nebraska act by establishing slavery in the territory consecrated to freedom by the Missouri Prohibition. But thanks to the indomitable spirit of the free State men in Kanzas – thanks to the good God who has no attribute which takes sides with the propagandists of Slavery, it seems now impossible that Slavery shall be established in Kanzas. If the Lecompton bill shall pass Congress, the Kanzas Legislature and State officers elected by a decided majority on the 4th of January, will undoubtedly take possession of the State Government. Those State officers, and a large majority of the Legislature are Free-state men, elected expressly for the purpose of preventing the Lecompton Constitution from being imposed on an unwilling people.
To accomplish the purpose of their election, no way seems so plain as that of organizing the State Government under the constitution, hateful as it is, and then passing an act calling a convention to remodel it, by framing and submitting to the people a new constitution. This new constitution will no more require any sanction from Congress than did the new constitution of Ohio. It will be in force from the moment it is adopted by the people; and the whole thing – organization, form of convention bill, election of members of convention, framing, and adoption of the new constitution, and organization of governmental under it, can be accomplished in three months. We do not stop now to discuss the various objections to this proceeding. We have considered them carefully, and are satisfied that they amount to nothing.
These things being so, it is clear as noonday that the passage of the Lecompton bill will be a less evil than was the repeal of the Missouri prohibition. The former will indeed be a great wrong, but it will be barren. The latter was a great wrong, and was prolific of other wrongs. The former will stand a blackening moment of infamy; the latter is a fountain poisoned at its source, flowing on and on, and carrying everywhere disease and death.
And now let us compare the practical consequences of the two measures upon politicians and parties, and party organizations. In 1854 the so-called Democratic press of Ohio was as unanimous against Nebraska as it is now against Lecompton. Let us refresh Democratic memories with a few quotations. On the 3d of February, 1854, the Chillicothe Advertiser uttered itself this wise:
“This bill undoubtedly will open up the whole subject of slavery agitation – a thing much to be deprecated. For one, although not tinctured with anything approximating Free Soilism, we have no desire to see any TINKERING with the Missouri Compromise. It was an olive branch, which, tranquilized in its day, violently and angrily excited public sentiment, IT SHOULD BE HELD SACRED, in consideration of this fact.”
And again in the same article:
“In the Baltimore Platform, a Platform we have always approved, we were given to understand that the Democratic party pledged itself to an opposition to all slavery agitation. Yet no sooner is the public pulse made to exhibit a healthy tone, than the ground work is again laid for agitation on a grand scale. It does seem that some men are endowed with every virtue but common sense.”
And thus spoke the Dayton Empire about the same time:
“If the doctrine of the Missouri Compromise was good for Oregon in 1848, it is good for Nebraska in 1854. When a compromise is once fairly entered into, and it has come to be regarded as a settlement of a much vexed question, we wish to see it adhered to faithfully and honorable. If such is not the case, compromises become a nullity, and their enactment a solemn farce. What the fate of Judge Douglas’s bill may be we are not able to say, but we hope that CONGRESS WILL REFUSE TO PASS ANY BILL for the organization of the new territory that does not confirm to the doctrine of the Missouri Compromise.”
And the Fronton Spirit of the Times on the 24th of January, 1854, said:
“This, we believe, is the most distinctly avowed effort on the history of the Government to extend the institution of Slavery into free territory” – adding, significantly enough – “there are, however, many well-intentioned Americans who hold that ‘Congress has no more power to make a slave than to make a king.’”
The Lima Argus spoke out in meeting, after this fashion in January 1854:
“All that is asked, as far as Nebraska is concerned, is that it shall be left under the provisions of the compromise of 1820. That pledge was given more than twenty years ago, and IT IS EXPECTED THAT IT WILL BE REDEEMED.”
The Cadiz Sentinel on the 8th of February 1854, thus de?? itself:
“If it was right and just to pass the Missouri Compromise twenty-three years ago, it is right and just that it should be lived up to at the present time. We say to the Ohio Members stand firm, also show to the world that they ARE DETERMINED BY THEIR VOTES TO KEEP SLAVERY IN ITS PRESENT BOUNDS.”
And the Sandusky Mirror, of February 4th, 1854, this prophesied:
“Mark our prediction, if that bill pass, the Democratic party will be breaten, cruelly beaten, even in Ohio. Yes, and if our democratic members of Congress do not make their mark against the ??? bill, as it now stands, October will tell a story that they may not ???. We repeat what we said a few days since, that there is no congressional ??? in Ohio that will not condemn that bill.”
We might no on to multiply these quotations, but it is needless. The so-called Democratic press spoke almost with one voice. But the bill passed, and the consequences predicted by the Mirror followed. The Democratic party, which in Ohio, had a few years before adopted an anti-Slavery platform, and had subsequently achieved a succession of victories, each more brilliant that the preceding, was overwhelmingly defeated at the next election, and not a single Congressional district returned a member of that party to the next Congress. The odium of the Pierce Administration which forced the detested measure through Congress, attached to the party which placed Pierce in power, and brought upon it total prostration, even where the press and the majority of the party opposed the bill, and even defeated Democratic members nominated for re-election, who had voted against the bill. The people demanded renunciation of the party, as a condition of support.
Nevertheless, as soon as it became understood that acquiescence on the Nebraska bill was made a condition of appointment to office at Washington, and that the Administration, sustained by the controlling influence of the slave power, was determined to make the approval of it part and parcel of the party creed, little by little the opposition began to die out in the party; and the process went on until at length the principles of the Nebraska bill were incorporated into the Cincinnati Platform, and adhesion to them became a test of party allegiance. A great multitude, indeed, of Democrats who were Democrats in deed, and not in name only, renounced that allegiance; but their places were so far made good by hunker, pro-slavery Whigs and renegade Free Soilers, that the party was still able to achieve one more Presidential triumph in 1856.
And now suppose the Lecompton bill to become a law: what is there to warrant the belief that the results will be substantially different from those of the passage of the Nebraska bill? The opposition to the former in the party is neither more general nor more earnest than was the opposition to the latter. As Pierce was then so is Buchanan now. As the slave power, the controlling element in the party organization, sustained Pierce then, so does it sustain Buchanan now. As the policy of the Administration became the creed of the party now. As those who would not consent to be read out of the party then, succumbed finally to the policy, and professed the creed, so must the same class succumb and profess now. Many there were then, who said, “Am I a dog that I should do this thing?” and answered their own question by doing it. Many such there be now, whose future will correspond to theirs. As the people then rejected at the polls even those who voted against the bill, if they yet undertook to retain membership in the party which consummated the wrong, so will the people now, with those who attempt the like double part.
There are, however, two great circumstances of difference between 1854 and 1858.
The first is that the question of Lecompton and anti-Lecompton must necessarily disappear with the passage of the bill, if, as we doubt not they will, the actually elected Free-state Legislators and State officers, take possession of the Kanzas State Governmemt, and proceed to conform the Constitution by amendment to Free-state views. In that event the act of admission under the Lecompton Constitution will be impotent for the evil intended, and will only mark the disposition and character of the Administration party, who attempt the wrong. It will no longer be a practical question before the people. The question of Nebraska and anti-Nebraska was more permanent, for it represented the struggle which commenced with the bill, and is not yet decided, upon the great issue, whether the Territories of the Union, so far as the General Government can make them so, should be slave or free.
The other important circumstance of difference is this: In 1854 the anti-Nebraska sentiment was unorganized. In 1858 the anti-Lecompton sentiment is organized and the great Republican party, which all but achieved a National Victory in 1856, and is (???) and only faithful to its purposes, to its men, and to itself, to achieve such a victory in 1860. We do not mean to disparage the anti-Lecompton sentiment which has been manifested, in the so-called Democratic party. We respect and honor the men who have dared on this question to take ground so boldly, so gallantly against the controlling influence of their party. So we honored ALFRED P. EDGERTON and ANDREW SPEWALT – to name no more – in 1854, but they attempted to reconcile continued allegiance to their party with their votes against the Nebraska bill, and the confidence of the people (???) them.
We wait to see what will be the outcome of the anti-Lecompton movement in the Democratic party. That it cannot control the party in spite of the National Administration and the slave power, we are sure. That, as a faction in the party, it will be powerless after a few months, we think almost certain. Whether those who have acted in it will attempt to organize such a faction, or frankly identify themselves with the great body of the opponents of the Lecompton swindle, in the Republican party, is the practical question which will decide their destiny, but nothing else, for the Republican party will fulfill its mission. Such a party does not grow up, through long years of (???), effort, gradual diffusion of light on a great public question, and slowly widening and accumulating resolve in the hearts of the people, for nothing.
The mission of the Republican party is to make the Nebraskaism and Lecomptonism henceforth impossible. It is to overthrow the slave power; to divorce the Government from slavery; to give it a heart and a voice for freedom, to inaugurate a wise, honest, fearless policy at home and abroad. The party is the result of the transition from one age and condition of the country to another, just as the Democratic party itself was. If those who are entrusted with its lead are faithful and upright – if the people see and feel that they are so – if the party continues truly and sincerely to express the convictions and purposes of the honest masses, it will live. If not, it ought not to live, and will perish. We hope the best. We are confident of so much, at least, in the future as we have indicated. It will accomplish the mission we have described. The existence of this party, with this future before it, distinguishes most signally 1858 from 1854. - Ohio Statesman.
A Sad Honeymoon.
Our readers remember the trial, conviction and sentence, at the United States Court in Cleveland, of Charles Albaugh, of Mount Gilead, for robbing the mail. The Columbus Gazette gives the following:
‘Charles Albaugh, is only twenty years of age, and the events of the past few months will fill an important chapter in his life’s story. On Christmas day he eloped with his landlord’s daughter, a Miss German, in her sixteenth year, went to Alexandria, Pennsylvania, and was married. An effort was made to keep the affair secret, but it was discovered by the girl’s parents, who were highly incensed at their daughter’s imprudence.
On the 28th of January, Mr. Prentiss, the U. S. Mail Agent, arrested Albaugh upon a charge of robbing the mails: He was taken to Cleveland, tried, convicted, and sentenced before the U. S. Court, and upon reaching Cardington, on his way to the penitentiary, the young wife came aboard the cars to bid farewell to her convict husband. The meeting was a painfully affecting one. She begged him to keep up his spirits, to make a firm resolve to do his whole duty while in prison. She vowed to stick to him though all the rest of the world should forsake him: for said she, “Charley, we are both young; we have years of happiness in store for us, and when your time has expired, we can go to some other land where the offence will not be known, where we can live happily together and earn an honest livelihood.”
The poor girl nerved herself up to the task, and as she wiped the tears away from the cheeks of her young husband, she never whimpered.
The car was full of passengers, who witnessed the scene with tearful emotion. The conductor who, at the request of the officers, had kindly delayed a few moments, to give the young couple an opportunity of meeting each other, at last notified them that he could delay no longer, and the whistle gave notice that the cars were about starting. “Keep up your courage like a man, Charley,” said the fair heroine, as she kissed his cheek, she turned to leave him, but, overpowered by her feelings that she had thus far kept under control, she fell fainting in the arms of the bystanders, who carried her gently into the station house, and the cars rolled over the rails with increased speed, to make up for the detention.’
Touching Incident.
The Columbus correspondent of the Painesville Telegraph, in a letter dated March 8th, relates the following:
“A nice little “scene” took place at the Penitentiary, on Saturday afternoon of which I will try to give the readers of the Telegraph some notion. A few years since there was sent to that institution from Hamilton county, for a long term of years, on the charge of burglary, an old Polish exile, an old man who had fought bravely for his country and liberty. In this land of strangers, and with no friends, the old man had never for a moment entertained the idea of release, and patiently was toiling through his weary months. Some facts have recently come to light, as I hear the rumor, showing that the old man was not guilty of the crime charged upon him. At any rate, the Governor decided upon his pardon; and Saturday afternoon, Governor Chase’s daughter, a fair and noble girl of seventeen or eighteen summers – and who in her person proves that the generally accepted truth that “great men never have great sons,” does not reach to daughters - takes the pardon and makes her way to the Prison. Without intimating her mission she desires the Warden to ask the old Polander, whose name I have now forgotten, to come to the sitting room. The old man, his head white with the accumulated burden of years and trouble, was not long in answering the summons, for who, though he, in all this world could ask for him. The pardon was put in his trembling hand. Oh! then the joy. It was all so unexpected – and came through such hands! The old hero fairly capered for joy. He could scarcely find words among his broken English, through which to tell his thankfulness. Ah, it was a blessed scene for those who had the joyful privilege of looking on. The fair and modest heroine, I know, will shrink from this public recital, but one cannot well forbear telling so beautiful an event.”
A Long Lived Daily Newspaper. – The Baltimore American of January 1st gives the following evidences of a long, honorable, and prosperous life:
“We today issue the first number of the one hundred and seventeenth volume of “The American,” and enters on the fifty-ninth year of its existence as a daily paper, the whole number of the daily issues being nineteen thousand one hundred and thirty one.”
Extracts from the Kanzas Press.
The weather is all that reasonable beings could require; - warm and bright, with occasional rains. The ground is in excellent order for seeding, and our farmers are improving well the opportunity to put in their crops before the usual Spring rains shall have passed. - Topeka Tribune.
City Election. – The election for city officers on Saturday last, resulted in the choice of the following persons: Mayor, Gen. S. C. Pomeroy; Board of Councilmen, Dr. C. A. Logan, C. Holbert, O. F. Short, Jas. A. Headley, W. P. Childs, L. C. Challiss, Samuel Walters. - Freedom’s Champion, Atchison.
We see it stated that H. Rives Pollard, formerly assistant editor of the Leavenworth Herald, has been appointed by the President, Consul to Bangkok. We hope he may be more acceptable to the Siamese than he was to the people of Kanzas. Mr. Pollard is a young man, and a native of Virginia. He figured conspicuously at the kidnapping, tarring and feathering of Phillips, nearly three years ago. - Kanzas Chief.
Annual Conference. – The Annual Conference of the M. E. Church of Kanzas Territory will be held at Museum Hall, in this place, commencing on the 15th of April next. Arrangements have been completed for the accommodation of the ministering brethren who may be in attendance. Bishop Simpson, one of the most eloquent and powerful preachers in the United States, and President of the Conference, will preach on the occasion. A Bible Society, Missionary and Sabbath School Anniversary is contemplated at the same time. - Topeka Tribune.
A strong effort is being made, to organize the Republican party in Nebraska. A Republican paper is about being started at Omaha. Some of the papers already established in the Territory, lean considerably that way. Among these are the Bellevue Gazette, the Plattsmouth Jeffersonian, and the Nemaha City Journal. Everybody in Nebraska has heretofore voted the Democratic ticket, because there was no other party organized in that Territory; but there is a strong free soil sentiment there, and it is quite probable the Republicans will have a majority, when a division is effected. - Kanzas Chief.
We hope our farmers will cultivate every foot of ground they can, the coming season, which promises to be one of great profit. The Spring is, thus far, propitious for planting, and if improved, we have every reason to anticipate an abundant return from the soil. Should this be the case, farming will undoubtedly be the most lucrative occupation in Kanzas. The immense emigration which will swarm over our prairies within the next few months, will consume all the surplus produce which can possibly be raised, and at remunerative prices. It would be a gratifying result to see our farmers able to supply the market, and obviate the necessity of drawing our sustenance from another State. We believe it can be done, if seed can be secured, and proper effort is put forth. - Topeka Tribune.
The act of the Legislature, in removing the Capital of the Territory to Minneola, meets with almost universal censure in Kanzas, and was even vetoed by the Governor. This act of his, we consider rather inconsistent; for, in his message to the Legislature, he especially directed their attention to Nebraska, and recommended the people and legislators of that Territory as worthy of imitation. Now, the only act of the late Nebraska Legislature, of any note, was the removal of the Capital from Omaha to an insignificant hole called Florence. The Legislature of Kanzas did all in its power to imitate them in this respect, agreeably to the advice of the Governor, and succeeded admirable, and he should not have vetoed an act passed upon his own recommendation. - Kanzas Chief.
Minneola. – Everybody seems to be wondering where Minneola is, and they are likely soon to find out. There appears to have been a small piece of trickery here, which is just coming to light. It would not do to locate the Capital at any existing town, for fear of creating jealousy and rivalry, but it was removed to a town never before heard of, called Minneola, near Centropolis. But presto, Centropolis changes her name to Minneola, and becomes the Capital of Kanzas, and Minneola becomes a town. The Kanzas Leader, heretofore hailing from Centropolis, now comes to us from Minneola, and the office where it is printed, stands in the very same spot where it has always stood! Rather sharp practice, that! The Leader now tells the people that Minneola is the Capital of the State, and threatens anyone with its awful displeasure, who attempts to remove it! Take warning, ye who contemplate Minneola with an evil eye! But the Leader may as well fix for a long growl, for Minneola will not rejoice in the honor of being the Capital of Kanzas. - Kanzas Chief.
Shooting Affray in Geary City. – On Wednesday evening last an affray occurred at a Saloon in Geary City, in which CHARLES LENHART was shot twice, and but little hopes are entertained of his recovery. He had gone up from Doniphan to attend a Ball, and entering a drinking house, a dispute, the nature of which we have not learned, arose, when the bar-keeper drew a revolver and fired two shots at him, both taking effect. – One ball passed into his side, and the other through his arm.
Young Lenhart is a printer in the “Crusader” office, at Doniphan; and its well known throughout the territory. – He was the commander of a Free-state guerilla party during the wars; and is the person who shot the notorious Sheriff Jones, at Lawrence.
At last accounts he was still living, under the care of Dr. WHEELER, but it was supposed that he could hardly recover.
The attempted assassin, we understand, escaped, and took refuge in Missouri. - Freedom’s Champion.
Mind How You Talk. – On account of other urgent engagements, Gen. Lane was unable to fill his appointment at Iowa Point and Highland, on last Saturday. On Sunday, a stranger was traveling towards the Point, from the South, and overtook a farmer, who happened to be a strong Pro-slavery man. The stranger inquired of him if he was on the right road to Iowa Point; and on being answered in the affirmative, he then asked if there had been a Free-state meeting there the day before, what speakers were present, and what kind of an attendance it had. The farmer told him that a large crowd had gathered there, to hear Jim Lane speak, but he disappointed them – adding, rather emphatically, that he “believed the d-d scoundrel was afraid to come!” He then expiated extensively upon the sins and rascality of Jim Lane, with which his hearer seemed to be greatly entertained. Arriving in town, they stopped at a tavern, where the stranger was immediately surrounded by a crowd, who greeted him warmly. The farmer inquired who that man was, that was making such a stir. “Why, it is Gen. Lane,” was the reply. “By God!” exclaimed the farmer, “he’s the very man I was cursing Lane to, for the last hour!” He did not make himself very conspicuous, during the remainder of his stay in town, that day! - Kanzas Chief.
A Wife Compressed into a Ring.
A certain Russian noble, who lately visited Paris, was noticed to be constantly plunged in deep sadness. He wore on his finger a very remarkable ring, large enough for a bracelet, and extended over his hand like a buckler for the ring finger. It was of a greenish color, and traversed by red veins. It attracted the attention of everybody, but as no one was bold enough to interrogate the mysterious stranger, until one day a lady, meeting him in public parlor, ventured to say, “You wear a very handsome ring.” The Russian made a movement as though he would conceal his hand, but that feeling gave to a desire to unburden himself. “It is not a ring,” he answered, “but a sepulchre!” A shudder passed through the whole company. “This jewel, Madame,” he continued, “is my wife. I had the misfortune to lose her some years since, in Russia. She was an Italian, and dreaded the icy bed which awaited her after this life. I carried her remains to Germany where I was acquainted with a celebrated chemist, whom I directed to make of the body a solid substance, which I could always carry about me. Eight days afterward he sent for me and showed me the empty coffin, a horrid collection of instruments and alembics. This jewel was lying on the table. He had through means of some corrosive substance and powerful pressure reduced and compressed that which was my wife into this jewel which shall never more leave me.”
This burial by chemistry is an improvement upon the process of cremation lately proposed by the French papers. Should it become popular, a widow may hereafter have her husband made into a bracelet with a chain attached to remind her of the hymeneal bond. A husband will have his wife done into a pin, and certain academicians – old fogies – we know would make very good coat buttons. – N. Y. Tribune.
“This is a great prospect,” as the prisoner said, is peeping out of his cell window.
Transcribed by Shannon McElroy